Durand Family History
Durand Archive Links
​
1. La Lignée de la Famille Durand - *The Durand Family Lineage
​
2. Jean Durand: The First Durand Family Emigrant
​
3. Jean Durand & The Daughters of the King
​
4. Catherine Annennontak - Life of Cruel Adversity
​
5. Catherine Annennontak - Coming of Age
​
6. Durand Family Research Expedition - 2018
​
7. Durand Journey to Faribault - Part 1
​
8. Early French-Canadian Voyageur Life
​
9. Durand Journey to Faribault - Part 2
​
10. Durand Journey to Faribault - Part 3
​
Family of Joseph L. Durand -Circa 1890
~Scroll Down for Your History~
Page Design and Contents Copyright © 2018 by Mark S. Roberts
1. La Lignée de la Famille Durand - *The Durand Family Lineage
February 4, 2018
Les Armes d’Amsterdam - *The Arms of Amsterdam
It’s now time to set the stage for another of our famous French ancestor families.
The story of the Durand family begins with Louis Durand (1610-1650) and Madeleine Malvande (1609-1639) living in Doeuil-sur-le Mignon, France. That happens to be just a few miles north of where Rhonda and I were visiting on our estuary Bordeaux Viking cruise in September of last year. There is not much that I can discover about our 9G grandparents Louis and Madeleine, except for the fact that they gave birth to our first family emigrant, Jean Durand.
Jean traveled to colonial Quebec in 1657 onboard Les Armes d’Amsterdam (The Arms of Amsterdam). It is a very large ship of 250 tons which is seen in the sketch that accompanies this story. The Durand family has blessed us with many extremely exciting and life threatening adventures from the 1660s to today, many of which will be posted here on this family website in the coming months and years.
In anticipation of introducing the family to all of you, I went back over my previous research information to be certain that it did not have any errors along the way. I then took some time to establish the full families up through the lineage just in case I might stumble upon some additional exciting stories in the periphery as opposed to just concentrating on the straight line of grandfathers through the years. The information below was obtained from a wide variety of sources, which include Genealogy of Canada, and Quebec, Genealogical Dictionary of Canadian Families (Tanguay Collection) 1608-1890. Hear then is the Durand family lineage beginning with our dear great grandma Emma Marie Durand.
Durand Family Documented Spouse
Marie-Emma Durand Alfred Joseph Caron
(1872-1961) (1871-1956)
Joseph Leandre Durand Celanise Nevieux
(1835-1915) (1830-1902)
Jean Baptiste Durand Ester Marie Marteau
(1809-1876) (1802-1895)
Joseph Durand Louise Sarrazin
(1770-1835) (1782-1852)
Pierre Durand Marie-Genevieve Robert
(1738-1813) (1737-1809)
Louis Durand II Marie-Anne Demers Dumais
(1700-1776) (1707-1776)
Louis Durand I Elisabeth Agnes Micheal
(1670-1740) (1682-1718)
Jean Durand Catherine Annennontak (Huron)
(1636-1671) (1649-1709)
Louis Durand Madeleine Malvande (France)
(1610-1650) (1609-1639)
As you can see, this is where the story reveals our Native American ancestry with the introduction of Catherine Annennontak. Catherine and Jean became husband and wife on September 26, 1662. She has notably been spoken of for many years in the family as an Indian princess, being the daughter of a Huron chief. Catherine’s life is an adventure from start to finish, as a number of future stories will show. Fortunately or unfortunately, there are several references to the same stories coming from different sources, so it will take me some time to comb through all of the evidence to come up with the most accurate information to be passed on to all of you. Also, the other thing you should know is that about 60% of the information that I work with in both the Durand and Caron families is written in French, which most often needs translating. That’s why I entitled both lineage stories with a French component. Hopefully this will leave you all with some degree of anticipation for what is yet to come.
Back to Top
2. Jean Durand: The First Durand Family Emigrant
February 27, 2018
Contract between the Gaigneur-Grignon Association and the ship Les Armes d’Amsterdam
Jean (pronounced Gohn) Durand was introduced in the Durand family lineage posting. For those of us who are sons and daughters of any of the DeFrees women, Jean represents our 8G grandfather. Although a number of sources were used for this information the bulk of the voyage information was obtained from a French Canadian website “Guy Perron’s Blog” posting entitled The life of our ancestors through archival documents…between La Rochelle and the colonies. Further documentation of Jean’s early colony life was derived from Our Roots – The Living History of Quebecers, and Jean Durand and His Posterity, by: Joseph & Viateur Durand, C.S.V., 1954, Translated by: Ronald G. Baulding, 1999.
To begin this adventure, Jean Durand left the so-called comforts of the home of his parents in Doeuil-sur-le-Mignon, France at the age of 21. In early 1657 he traveled approximately 40 miles to the coastal port town of La Rochelle. There he made contact with the Gaigneur-Grignon Association with whom he engaged in a contract for three years in order to gain passage to colonial Quebec in New France. Jean remained in La Rochelle where he was given room and board along with a few pennies per day to subsist until the time for departure arrived.
The Gaigneur-Grignon Association was very much like the previously introduced Company of 100 Associates who engaged Robert Caron some 20 years earlier. Several such organizations sprang up in the early 17th century with the intent to gain some kind of economic foothold in the promising boon of trade with the new world. All of them functioned in pretty much the same manner, enlisting young men for service to assist in the establishment of functional, safe, livable and with the most of hope, very profitable colonies in the new land. A portion of the actual contract between the Gaigneur-Grignon Association and the ship Les Armes d’Amsterdam is included as the image accompanying this posting.
On April 10, 1657, the great ship Les Armes d’Amsterdam (The Arms of Amsterdam) set sail from La Rochelle, France. This was a massive ship of the day of 250 tons, when most ocean going vessels were less than 100 tons. Further documents state “He is armed with ten pieces of cannon and six muskets.” The ship is captained by Jean Guyonneau at the age of 41 years. The further ship’s complement included a small number of passengers, most of whom were traveling to protect their interests. However, it also carries Pierre Voyer d’Argenson, “new governor of New France.” It also held 40 “employees” of Antoine Grignon, Pierre Gaigneur and Jacques Masse. Listed among them was one “Jean Durant.”
The voyage begins almost immediately with a life threatening incident captured in interpretive excerpts from the ships log as follows: “While at 45 degrees latitude, Captain Jean Guyonneau is surprised by the bad weather that takes the rudder and the spur of the ship! (or prow above the bow) The latter is ‘so shaken’ that it is dropped! It makes ‘water in the front so much’ that the captain is forced to release to Limerick in Ireland with the consent of the governor Argenson, several passengers and people of condition.” The ship remains at Limerick for approximately one month.
After repairs are supposedly made, the ship leaves Limerick, but within 24 hours it once again makes “great water” causing most all onboard to “work incessantly at the stern.” The ship can only make it as far back as the Kenmore River, yet 20 leagues from Limerick where it must make the necessary repairs. On June 28, 1657, the ship is finally sea worthy and it sets sail from Ireland. The Journal des Jésuites documents that Les Armes d’Amsterdam arrived in New France on August 20, “at 4 o’clock in the morning," confirming also that the ship “had released two times in Ireland.”
Jean Durand disembarks with the other employees with the security of a contract with the Gaigneur-Grignon Association providing him with food and clothing, as well as payment of 75 pounds/year for his labor. Such contracts were usually conveyed to already established colonists along the St. Lawrence River. It seems apparent that Jean begins work with Charles Gaultier, a land owner in Cap-Rouge. Such working relationships grew over time to a point where the engaged employee eventually became a part of the family. It was noted that this relationship resulted in a lease for land after the three year term was completed.
It also seems that Jean spent some period of time in the colonial military since there are some University of Minnesota references to his name as Jean Durand dit LaFortune. The interesting nickname of dit LaFortune roughly translates to “said fortune.” Such additions to proper names were fairly common among military men of the day and they had a way of sticking, either as a matter of pride, or just identification. There is no way of telling how such nicknames were come by, but it would be easy to surmise that such names had to do with some kind of experience during military service. We can only guess at why our grandfather would be 'said fortune,' but most likely it would have been a very interesting story.
There is no further reference to Jean’s activities in the first three years of his life and service in early Quebec. More is learned from a document currently preserved in the Quebec courthouse which shows, as alluded to above, that Jean entered into a land lease deal with his service contract benefactor, Charles Gaultier dated November 21, 1660. As stated in Jean Durand and His Posterity, “Jean Durand receives on a three-year lease, from Charles Gaultier called Boisverdun, a property situated at Cap-Rouge in the domain of Gaudarville, one part of which is farm land and the other is thickly wooded; a fishing location running in front of the land; and a small fort situated on an island. He obtains all of the above for the annual payment of "nine sacks of pure and dry wheat grain", an 18 month-old pig, and “15,000 pounds of dead and salted eels", the salt to be furnished by Sire Gaultier.” Obviously in these days there is little or no actual money changing hands for such transactions. Coincidentally, the “eels” being referred to in this payment agreement are what we refer to today as eel pout, which were apparently much more prevalent in 1660. Further referenced in this same source, it is indicated that it was indeed very possible to catch or capture “forty, fifty, sixty and even seventy thousand pounds of fish” during the months of September and October. Additionally there is reference in the agreement to clear two acres of the land as well as to till another two acres. In view of the amount of work this would entail, Jean took on a partner, Jean Drouard, who could assist him in the endeavor.
Frighteningly enough, as one might expect in this wilderness, there is always a very high level of concern with the indigenous Iroquois. Although Jean Durand and Charles Gaultier have somehow managed to subsist on their tract of land thus far, such successes can only apparently be considered fleeting at best.
The new French settlers have been stubbornly persistent in establishing this new colony of Quebec now for some 30 to 40 years. This activity has clearly become a threat to the life and livelihood of the Iroquois who have become emboldened in the last few years. One of Jean’s fellow colonists, Pierre Boucher, noted "The Iroquois have done more harm this year than in all preceding years, having killed or taken captive more than 100 Frenchmen". In view of the fact that at this point the colonists are numbered at probably no more than 2,000 people, this is a very alarming turn of events. Pierre also wrote the following on this subject:
“The Iroquois hemmed us in so closely that they prevented us from enjoying the bounty of the countryside. One could not go hunting or fishing without fear of being taken by these rogues; one could not even work in the fields, and still less make hay without continual risks; because they prepared ambushes on all sides, and all it needed was a small thicket to give six or seven of these barbarians shelter, or rather a lurking place from which they would hurl themselves upon you unexpectedly, whether you were working and no matter where you went. A woman was always frightened that her husband, who left in the morning for his work would be killed or taken and that she would never see him again.”
Such life threatening circumstances, having become more and more frequent and deadly, made it quite impossible for Jean Durand to be able to make good on his lease promise to Charles Gaultier. After only two years in the attempt Jean found it necessary to renege on the contract. As a result, on April 26, 1662 the contract was either cancelled or modified in some manner. The outcome was that Jean Drouard and our grandfather Jean were hired by Gautier to work as necessary from May 1, 1662 to at least November 1, “with no pay other than food and lodging.” At the same time, the two Jeans were required to provide Gautier with at least “50 pieces or more of squared pine.” And we pretend to believe that life is so difficult for us today.
Now it is time to follow Jean into new interests and pursuits in his life, not the least of which will be his family, but that will be saved for the next couple of stories.
​
​
Actual Signature of Jean Durand on the 4/26/1662 Contract with Charles Gautier
1660 Map of Jean Durand's Property at Cap Rouge
Back to Top
3. Jean Durand & The Daughters of the King
March 5, 2018
Artist's Depiction of The Filles du Roi
In the early days of the Quebec colony of New France there were of course many hardships. Every individual, man, woman or child was called upon from the very day of arrival to begin pulling their own weight with building, land clearing, farming, and fishing and generally became necessarily obsessed with their own survival. For any one person to eventually reach some level of confidence or comfort with their surroundings it would literally take several months to even years of back breaking labor. Certainly one of the very last things on their minds was the thought of beginning or caring for a family, most especially with the constant threat of death from the indigenous inhabitants.
They say the top four survival priorities are always shelter, water, fire and food. For early settlers this can be taken a step further in establishing what would be essential, a lasting and sustainable food supply. It would only be after the accomplishment of these factors that our ancestors might have the luxury of finding a mate. By the same token, one of the most unavailable commodities in the early days of colonization would logically be women. The colonizing forces back in France understood this problem all too well. They made several attempts to rectify the situation with an active effort to recruit women who might be interested in being transported to the Quebec settlement with the single intent to marry and assist with the real growth of French families in the new land.
​
Even King Louis XIV became an interested sponsor of this effort and was instrumental in establishing a program that would sweeten the pot to further entice women to consider leaving something safe and known for something unknown and potentially life threatening. This is to say nothing of simply being “selected” as a bride by some complete stranger upon arrival. The King made it known that he was going to foot the bill for these ladies providing them with transportation to New France, a small amount of clothing, and also by giving them a dowry of £50 if they would agree to marry a soldier or common settler and £100 if they were to marry an officer. These women as a whole understandably became known as the “Filles du Roi” or “Daughters of the King.” To this day they have become a matter of ancestral pride among French Canadians who are able to successfully trace their roots back to one of these special women.
This endeavor turned into a very effective means by which women of the day could be otherwise engaged in a hostile land. In the 17th century it was nearly impossible for a woman to be the least bit successful if she had no dowry. She couldn’t even enter the convent to become a nun without it. Although these women are now looked back upon with great pride, it is very likely that most all of them were in some form or other rather destitute and had no means of finding their way in the world. Be that as it may, current day historians state unequivocally that “the filles du roi were courageous, adventurous, daring spirits who saw New France as a means of escaping a depressing future that poverty would doom them to in France.”
The King’s Daughters were transported in groups of from 20 to 40 women at a time. Upon arrival in Quebec they disembarked and were immediately taken in by the Catholic Ursaline nuns where they received room, board and care until such time as they could be introduced to likely suitors. By the same token, holding them in the Ursaline convent was also a reasonable means of keeping them from being “led astray” in the new world.
This is where our grandfather Jean Durand enters onto the scene. Notaries were very common in the day, and were quite literally responsible for documenting the vast bulk of the information that we are able to find today that tell us of our historical background. Because of such documents, there are a number of references found in the literature attesting to the fact that Jean Durand entered into a contract on October 3, 1661, and stated that “before witnesses that included Pierre Boucher, squire, sieur de Grosbois and governor of Trois Rivieres, he contracted to marry Marie Fayette, a fille du Roi who had arrived that same year.” You may remember that this is nearly one full year after Jean had established a land lease with Charles Gautier upon which he may someday be able to call his home. He has been working diligently to establish himself in the new land and now, after feeling relatively confident that he has mastered the fundamental survival requirements, decides that perhaps it is time to find someone with whom he can begin a family. At the same time, his future property at Cap-Rouge is calling to him, and he must return to work it and even protect it prior to completing any marriage. As such, Jean leaves his wife to be in Quebec and is gone for several months while Marie Fayette remains with the Ursaline nuns.
Jean does not return to Quebec until it is documented on January 12, 1662, that Marie Fayette has “appeared before a civil notary and had the first agreement annulled.” There is no reference to the level of disappointment on the part of our grandfather. This is either a situation where two youngsters appear to have come to their senses, or that absence has made the heart grow fonder…of someone else. Either way, we find that Marie Fayette immediately becomes contracted to marry a Charles Pouliot. Perhaps speaking to the fickle nature of Ms. Fayette, she has this contract annulled as well, and is finally found to have married one Nicolas Huot on July 26, 1662.
As we all know, Jean Durand eventually becomes the husband of our Huron grandmother Catherine Annennontak, which will be the subject of one of the next stories.
Now, in the interests of full disclosure, although at least two sources document the fact that Marie Fayette is indeed one of the Filles du Roi, documentation also exists stating that these fine ladies did not begin to arrive in Quebec until 1663, since it seems the King only initiated the program earlier in that year. Apparently prior to 1663 arrivals of groups of women, which would have included Ms. Fayette, would most likely have been provided with dowries by any one of a number of companies in existence also responsible for employment of the male settlers since the 1630s. Nevertheless, the information found is what it is. Between 1663 and 1673 when other pressing urgencies of the crown ended the equitable dowry system, approximately 800 Filles du Roi had been transported to Quebec and began their lives with colonists creating families. It is estimated that from such meager beginnings, more than two thirds of today’s French Canadians can trace their heritage back to one of these women.
Sources for this information include: King’s Daughters and Founding Mothers: The Filles du Roi, 1663-1673 by Peter J. Gagné; Eccles’ The Canadian Frontier 1534-1760 (Holt, Rinehart and Winston) 1969; and of course, Jean Durand and His Posterity, by Joseph & Viateur Durand, 1954.
Other Artistic Depictions of The Filles du Roi
Back to Top
4. Catherine Annennontak - Life of Cruel Adversity
March 9, 2018
Catherine's 700+ Mile Infant Journey in Birch Bark Canoes from Georgian Bay to Quebec City
The date is March 17, 1649. Our 8G grandmother Catherine Annennontak is only a few months old. Her father, Nicolas Arendanki a Huron chief of the Bear Clan, has just been killed by marauding Iroquois bent on nothing less than the annihilation of the Huron nation. Catherine and her mother, Jeanne Otri-Ho-Andet must flee for their lives in the company of the Jesuit priest, Fr. Chaumonot. The blackrobe leads them and many others to safe grounds in refuge with the area Petun tribe friendly to the Hurons, on an island in the great Georgian Bay of Lake Huron. This tragic set of circumstances marks the very beginning of a life of cruel adversity for our grandmother. How did we come to such a terrifying turn of events?
The Canadian wilderness of the 16th and 17th centuries is sparsely populated with a variety of indigenous Native North Americans. The north east segment of New France from the Ohio River valley to Newfoundland and Labrador is home territory to three primary conglomerations of Native Americans named the Wendat, the Iroquois and the Algonquins. They have lived a reasonably sustainable existence in this region for hundreds of years. However, this has always been a relatively inhospitable countryside, especially north of the St. Lawrence River. The Wendat nation (also Wyandot), later becoming known as the Hurons, number nearly 20,000 when the adventurous and wealth greedy Europeans began darkening their shores. Although the three nations shared a great deal in terms of customs, beliefs and language, they were nevertheless adversaries for land and for rather scarce living resources. They knew of no means of organizing specific territorial boundaries, so cross over pursuits of wild life for food and clothing were often dealt with harshly, causing nearly endless strife between the nations.
In spite of the difficult political conditions these groups found it necessary and often advantageous to become trading partners with each other in order to survive. As with all peoples populating this earth since time began, there is always one group or another who find it necessary to desire everything that others have and thereby plan circumstances to eventually eliminate the competition.
These Native Americans are typically made up of a confederacy, which over time have come together due to common interest and like pursuits. This merging of tribes was common with all of the indigenous groups. The Wendats were made up of four distinct clans, the Bear, the Cord, the Rock and the Deer. The Iroquois confederacy was made up of the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga and Seneca during this period. The Algonquins formed alliances with the Montagnais, Etechimins and two other groups whose names have more than 16 characters.
The Wendats are named Hurons by the Europeans from an old French word roughly meaning “a bristly or unkempt knave.” The Iroquois on the other hand have been named by the Wendats with a word that means “poisonous snakes.” After so many years of living in a turbulent or even violent coexistence, it is apparent the Iroquois come by this title honestly. Regardless of these belligerent circumstances the different nations continue to live and interact with one another for hundreds of years. With the emergence of Europeans advancing onto the scene, this tenuous balance is severely and devastatingly impacted.
Jesuit priests have been in New France hard at work fervently attempting to convert the indigenous population to Christianity since 1611. Key to this story were Jesuit priests Gabriel Lalemant and Jean de Brébeuf who together arrived in 1625. They began working primarily with the Hurons, a relatively stable and friendly group of people willing to learn from and trade with the newcomers. The “blackrobes” moved in and lived among the Hurons, learning their language and customs. It was the initial goal of the Jesuits to establish area missions which would serve as focal points, each tending to a variety of small Huron villages. They succeeded in creating and organizing at least five such missions and also gave Christian names to all of the individual Huron villages.
Years passed and eventually both the Hurons and the Algonquins found it beneficial to trade, primarily with the French. Beaver and other wild life pelts and furs were traded for European goods such as iron tools, blankets, clothing and even firearms. By the same token, the Iroquois became voracious traders with the Dutch and English for many of the same things, but in their case, especially firearms. Therefore, the presence of the Europeans created an intense competition between the Native American factions for the fur trade that led to hostility and bloodshed between the groups. This was the foundation for what would soon be referred to as either the Beaver Wars, the Iroquois Wars or the French and Iroquois Wars. By the mid-17th century the Iroquois had essentially destroyed the beaver population within their home territory and were thus driven to expand their resource area to take hunting and trapping grounds from the opposing confederacies. In short, they had decided to declare their own war on the Hurons and Algonquins to take over and control the European fur trade upon which they had become so dependent.
As this story began, more than 2,000 Iroquois have descended on the Huron Christian mission of Ste-Marie in a two day siege. They killed hundreds of Hurons over that time and anyone miraculously left alive after the fighting were taken and incorporated into the Iroquois tribes in some manner of servitude. Amazingly enough slightly more than 300 women, children, elderly, sick and injured survivors managed to escape the slaughter and traveled with the guidance of the blackrobe Fr. Chaumonot to the relative safety of Isle St. Joseph in the Georgian Bay of Lake Huron. Two other Jesuit priests, Fathers Lalemant and de Brébeuf are captured, taken to another village and hideously tortured and killed. For the price of martyrdom in the defense of and service to the Huron people they were eventually canonized by pope Pius XI on June 29, 1930. Link: Jean de Brébeuf Link: Gabriel Lalemant
The survivors wearily settle in with the Petun tribe to share diminished survival resources. Life proves challenging and onerous in the coming months as all of the island’s inhabitants work together to provide food and shelter for an additional 300 souls in a small provisionary fort built by the missionaries. The refugees remain with the Petuns for months and enter into a devastating winter. Many of the survivors succumb to starvation and illness. The rest continue to risk their lives foraging for the basic essentials for life while being constantly at risk of discovery by the Iroquois.
Finally, after more than a year of torturous exile the decimated group of Hurons, fearing further genocide at the hands of the Iroquois, make an appeal to Fr. Rageneau, superior of the Jesuit missions, for help in moving the remaining survivors to Quebec where they can finally be safe. Fr. Rageneau agrees to assist them in their frightful and perilous odyssey of more than 700 miles in frail birch bark canoes and sends them a handful of missionaries and French soldiers for guidance and protection. Their trek begins on June 10, 1650, and “they were constantly in danger of being discovered by the Iroquois. They first crossed the Georgian Bay, where they reached Taureaux Bay. They traveled the entire French River, Lake Nipissing, Mattawa River, Ottawa River and the St. Lawrence River until reaching Quebec.” This harrowing exodus required more than 60 portages for a beginning group of nearly 300. Many could not endure or survive this dangerous migration, but counted among those who did arrive in late July were baby Catherine Annennontak and her weary and severely weakened mother, Jeanne Otri-Ho-Andet. So begins the childhood of our Huron grandmother. (A documentation map of the Huron journey from Isle St. Joseph to Quebec accompanies this posting)
Sources: Encyclopedia of North American Indians; L’Encyclopédie de l’histoire du Québec; The Story of the Hurons (Toronto, 1915); Origin and Traditional History of the Wyandots; and certainly, Jean Durand and His Posterity (1954) Links for Wikipedia references to Jesuit priests Jean de Brébeuf and Gabriel Lalemant.
​
Back to Top
5. Catherine Annennontak - Coming of Age
March 13, 2018
17th Century Canadian Land Clearing and Dwellings
A debilitated and weary mother, Jeanne Otri-Ho-Andek, and her toddler daughter Catherine Annennontak, arrive in the relative safety of Quebec in late July, 1650. They along with approximately 200 of their fellow Huron survivors and their Jesuit priests must now appeal to the civil and religious authorities in this young French settlement to help them find a location they might again believe is their home. After several months of discussions the settlement grants the remaining members of the Huron tribe on March 29, 1651, a tract of land about five miles northeast of Quebec on the Isle d’Orleans located in the center of the St. Lawrence River. The slowly recovering group of survivors gather all they have and along with Fr. Chaumonot, establish a new mission on the island. They name it Ste-Marie II.
It is at this new mission that the remnants of the once proud Huron Bear clan will find peace as they slowly clear trees and begin following their original lifestyle of growing crops and living off the land. Unfortunately, struggling along with the others in this new location finally takes its toll on Catherine’s mother. The brave and maternally protective Jeanne Otri-Ho-Andek, perhaps from grief and ceaseless toil, becomes ill and passes away in July of 1654, at about the age of 27, leaving her five year old daughter an orphan. It is Fr. Chaumonot who grants Jeanne her last sacraments and promises to protect and care for Catherine.
Fr. Chaumonot takes Catherine back to Quebec to the Catholic Ursaline convent. This event is recorded as follows, "Twenty-one July, 1654. Catherine, Little Creature of God, a Huron and an orphan, was given to us when she was five years old to be instructed and to be brought up in the Seminary. The same day, a little girl called Jeanne, a Huron, was given to us by the Reverend Father Chaumonot." So Catherine is taken into the convent where she can be watched over, cared for and educated by the ever protective Ursaline nuns. Sadly at this time these children are referred to as little savage girls and are relegated to a section of the convent intended just for them which is referred to as the “Seminary.” Here she becomes a protégé of Madam de la Peltrie, foundress of the convent and one who has dedicated her life to properly educating and training these little savage girls. It has long been an objective of the Jesuits and Ursalines to focus on the education of the female indigenous orphans in their care so they could eventually become suitable wives for French colonists. Catherine is instructed in both French customs and the French language as she comes to understand their way of life, while also being allowed to respect and remain true to her own heritage.
Having arrived at the convent at the age of five it is unlikely that Catherine had by then gained any kind of appreciation of faith from her converted father and mother. Yet it is understood and documented in a number of references that the Ursaline nuns were ever fervent in their faith and they deeply engrained that same zeal into their fledgling students. There is one very interesting reference in Jesuit Relations to one who may well have been our 8G grandmother Catherine which speaks to this point. It states: "A fine Huron girl, brought up in the convent of the Ursuline nuns and married to a Frenchman, speaking one day to some of her relatives about the piety and devotion of the Blessed Virgin, inspired in them such a desire to embrace her that they never ceased to importune their missionary, Father Chaumonot, to introduce her among them." This would indicate that the nuns training was well worth the effort in promoting families built on faith and love of their God.
Monsignor de Laval, who is to become the first bishop of Canada, arrives in Quebec on June 16, 1659. Records indicate that it is he who administers the sacrament of confirmation to a number of young French girls, along with Catherine as it is stated, “confirmed at the Ursuline convent August 10 1659, Catherine, Huron, age 10.” Very little is known beyond this date about Catherine’s life or responsibilities at the convent until her encounter with Jean Durand.
In the meantime, Jean at this point in time is now a little more than a year away from entering a leasing arrangement with Charles Gautier for property at Cap-Rouge as referenced in his ‘First Emigrant' posting. He is also roughly two years away from entering into a failed contract for marriage with fille du Roi Marie Fayette as referenced in his ‘Daughters of the King’ posting, a contract that was annulled in January of 1662, and time marches on.
We have no way of knowing what may have brought Jean one day to the convent of the Ursaline nuns, but sometime in the late summer of 1662, Jean finds himself there. The book Jean Durand and His Posterity captures the event as follows. “In any event, it was there in the Ursuline convent that they presented to him one day a young resident with bronzed skin and discrete charms, in whom he soon recognized solid virtues coupled with sound common sense. Jean understood that she would be the ideal wife that God had destined for him.”
Records reveal that on September 23, 1662, Jean Durand and Catherine Annennontak enter into a contract of marriage which officially reads: “In the presence of Guillaume Andouart secretary to the Administrative council, established at Quebec, by the King, notary in New France and the undersigned witnesses, here present Jean Durand dit Lafortune, son of Louis Durand and Madeleine Malvande, his father and mother from the burg of Deuil near the village of St Jean d’Angely in the Xaintonges, party of the first part, and Catherine Huronne….party of the second part, both in the presence of their relatives and friends here named, Charles Gautier, Lord of Bois Verdun, Denis Duquet, a resident of Quebec, Jean Guyon, Pierre Pinel, Jean Drouart on behalf of the first part. Martin Boutet, representing and taking place of the father of the said Catherine Huronne, Dame Magdeleine de Chauvigny, widow of the late Charles de Gruel, while living the Baron of Pelletierie, Miss Thienette Desprey, widow of the late Guillaume Guilmot, Esq., Lord Duplessis de Querbodo, Laurent Duboc resident of this country have recognized and witnessed…………..”
Interestingly enough, just three days later on September 26, 1662, the two are married in the Notre-Dame de Québec Church (now a Cathedral). The records of the 1662 Notre-Dame parish document the marriage. “In the year of our Lord, one thousand six hundred and sixty two on the 26th day of September after engagement and publication of one bann (having given dispensation for the other two) read at mass the 24th of September and discovering no legitimate obstacle, I, Henri de Bernieres, priest of this parish, having questioned Jean Durand, son of Louis Durand and Madeleine Malvande, father and mother, from the parish of Doeuil, vicarage of Xaintes in Xaintonge, party of the first part, and Catherine Annenontak, Huron daughter of Nicolas Arendanki and Jeanne Otre-ho-Andet, father and mother, from the town of St. Madeleine in the Conception parish, in the land of the Hurons, party of the second part, and having received their mutual consent, I solemnly joined them in marriage and gave them the marriage blessing, in the presence of witnesses: Rev. Fathers Lalemant, Superior, and Francois LeMercier of the company of Jesus Martin Boutet known as St Martin, Mr Jean Madry, etc. Signed: H. de Bernieres.” On this date, our grandmother Catherine Annennontak is 13 years old and Jean is 26.
The newlywed couple of Jean and Catherine Durand return to Cap-Rouge to begin their life together. Jean has just made an arrangement with his neighbor, the widow Pinel to purchase and expand some land he already has. He pays £129 and now has three acres on which he and Catherine can settle. The Iroquois incursions into the area have diminished to nearly none in the coming years. There is little more to be learned of the young Durands, at least until they begin to have a family.
Although the settlers in the area of Cap-Rouge can begin to enjoy some relative peace without as much concern for Iroquois attacks, interestingly enough there is quite the dramatic turn of natural events that takes place to create every bit as much, if not more fear in the hearts of the New France settlers. On February 5, 1663 they are all rocked by a tremendous earthquake, with aftershocks documented as lasting into mid-August of that year. Most likely very few of the settlers have ever experienced an earthquake at all, let alone one with such magnitude and lasting impact. For a God fearing people this has an incredibly startling and profound effect on the young population of Quebec, a region that today is actually somewhat prone to quakes in the St. Lawrence valley. They begin almost immediately to conclude they must themselves clearly be to blame due to some imaginary transgressions against their God and find little solace in unanimous heartfelt public repentance. “Thus the meat days were changed into days of penitence and sadness: public prayers, processions and pilgrimages were continuous; days of bread-and-water fasting were very frequent; general confessions were numerous.” In spite of the apparent devastation of this earthquake, amazingly enough not a single life was lost as documented by in the Jesuit Relations as follows: "The protection of God", writes the Relation, "has been so gentle that not a single one of us has lost his life, nor even his worldly goods; and most people have reaped spiritual advantage from their salvation."
It is quite likely the earthquake and following aftershocks were also very unsettling for the indigenous population and could well be the reason for the lack of further Iroquois attacks especially in 1663. This allows Jean and Catherine to begin their life together in earnest on their land at Cap-Rouge. They plant crops together and Jean remains active in the lumber trade while they also build themselves a modest dwelling (included above with this posting is a depiction of 17th century land clearing and dwellings). Although there is reference to Jean intending to sell his three acres in 1665, this contract apparently does not come to fruition since there also appears to be documentation that the Durands continue to live on this property for several more years.
Jean and Catherine begin their family with the birth of Marie on April 21, 1666 with Catherine at the age of 17. Their second child, Ignace is born in 1669, and our 7G grandfather Louis is born on November 13, 1670. There are still many stories to tell of Louis since he is apparently instrumental in establishing the Voyageur fur trade through the great lakes region.
There is evidence once again in 1671 showing that Jean is attempting to sell their Cap-Rouge property, however it is in this year, somewhere around June when it is found that our 8G grandfather Jean disappears from history. It is apparently clear that he has passed away in some manner, but there are no records of either his passing or his burial. His exit from this life simply becomes a family mystery. Catherine is now only about 23 years old, and the oldest of her children is only five. Such circumstances in these times demand that a widow remarry rather quickly in order to survive. So, as would be expected, there are records to indicate that in the following year, Catherine marries Jacques Couturier on June 28, 1672. Together they have six children, Charles (1673-1699), Jacques (1674-1674), Genevieve (1679-1715), Denis Joseph (1681- ), Jean Francois (1684-1731), and Catherine (1685-1685). It can be seen that two of these children, Jacques and Catherine, don’t survive past infancy. Jacques Couturier dies in 1697, and Catherine begins her third marriage with Jean LaFond (1646-1716) on August 26, 1697 but there are no children born from this relationship. Catherine continues in her life with Jean LaFond until she herself passes from this earth on January 11, 1709, at the age of 60.
There is much to be said of the life, trials and hardships of this first Durand family in the new world, and very much more that can and perhaps one day will be communicated further about their life and times together. But for now we will end this story with the simple understanding of the unending courage and fortitude displayed in these tribulation filled days of our ancestors. Many, many references exist extoling the virtues of our Catherine Annennontak, most all of which are derived from devout family pride in knowing that we descend from such greatness.
Postscript: One last thing to mention in consideration of how the Ursaline convent may have been characterized in this posting, especially referring to indigenous children as “little savage girls,” is perhaps most aptly stated in an excerpt from the Jesuit Relations, in which it states: "Experience teaches us that the girls who have been with the Ursulines feel a lifelong affection for them, and that in their household the fear of God still reigns, and that thereby they bring up their children in a much better fashion." Testament to this observation is the fact that it is Catherine herself, who with complete confidence and reverence for the Ursalines, brings her daughter, young Marie, to the convent for teaching and training following the death of Jean Durand.
Sources: The Ursulines of Québec, 1639-1953; Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, 1610-1791; Jean Durand and His Posterity, 1954;
​
Traditional 17th Century Huron Dress
Huron Girl Approximately 13 Years Old
Ursaline Nuns Teaching Little Savage Girls
Back to Top
6. Durand Family Research Expedition - 2018
September 5, 2018
​
Considering the fact that on this research expedition we were attempting to find the various properties of our ancestors in 17th century Canada, it feels like it would be a good time to compare and contrast our two early French settler families.
​
If you have already taken the time to read the entry on the Caron family tab for story #4 then you know that there are a fairly extensive number of photographs and corresponding explanatory captions. Here on the Durand side there will be fewer. This is not because the Durand family is any less important or interesting, but rather a question of circumstances.
​
Robert Caron landed in the new world in 1636 and during his relatively short existence here to the end of his life in 1656, he and his wife Marie Crevet were actively engaged on no fewer than five different property locations. These were all either within Quebec itself, or north east of that location over a distance of approximately 20 miles.
​
By contrast, our grandfather Jean Durand arrived in 1657, some 21 years after Robert Caron, apparently does an obligatory stint in the colonial military and then is able to acquire only a single piece of land in 1660 from Charles Gaultier. This land, located some 20 miles south west of Quebec in an area known as Cap Rouge, he and his wife Catherine Annenontak continue to work until Jean's apparent death in 1671.
​
Interestingly enough, Cap Rouge stands alone as the very first location ever settled by the French explorers. Cap Rouge was originally founded by the explorer Jacques Cartier in 1541, more than one hundred years prior to the arrival of Jean Durand.
​
Up until this trip, the only reference we had to the property holding of Jean Durand was a plot map obtained from at least two sources, not the least of which was Jean Durand and His Posterity, by Joseph & Viateur Durand, 1954. However, on this trip while visiting the Société historique du Cap-Rouge, we happened across an extremely fortunate find. A beautiful hard cover edition of Cap-Rouge Quatre Cent Cinquante Ans D'Histoire, 1991 (Cap-Rouge Four Hundred Fifty Years of History). This resource yielded for us a much more accurate map of Jean Durand's property dated June of 1663.
​
Here then are the photographs of our Durand family discovery journey.
(Above) A monument to the great French explorer Jacques Cartier is located in a small park at Cap-Rouge, very near to the land first acquired by our grandfather Jean Durand. (Right) A metal plaque documenting two very early failed attempts to settle and colonize New France. This we know now did not successfully take place until the mid 17th century when Jean Durand and a number of other French settlers made their homes in the 1650s.
(Above) A map representation of the Cap-Rouge area near the confluence of the river Cap-Rouge and the Saint Lawrence River. (Right) A copy of the map we found of the properties owned by Jean Durand (highlighted) and a number of other first settlers of the this location south east of Quebec City. Note that you can see the same curve in the river on both which we used as a point of reference to Jean Durand's property. (Enlarge by left click, then left click & hold)
(Left) Using the reference points I attempted to draw a line around the section of land owned by Jean Durand for a period of time from 1660 to 1671 on the modern day map of the area. At that point we set out to put ourselves somewhere near the middle of the section of land noted.
(Below Left) Another modern day map of the Cap-Rouge area for reference. (Directly Below) A Google map image of the location of our phone when we stopped.
At the Google map location shown above we found a former church (in the Saint-Foy section of town) which had been gutted out and changed into a museum of the area. This was formerly known as the Notre-Dame church and it included a small cemetery which did not have any graves of Durands that we could find. However, fortunately for us, a stairs had been set up allowing us to climb up into the steeple from which we could view the surrounding area. The two photos (left) show views of Jean Durand's original property for pretty much as far as the eye can see. The top image is a view looking inland, while the lower left photo is a view looking back toward the Saint Lawrence River.
Both of these photos are of the Cap-Rouge Historical Society where we had a very nice conversation with the librarian and was also where we found the copy of the Cap Rouge four hundred and fifty years of history book which included the map shown above of the properties in 1663.
Back to Top
7. Durand Journey to Faribault - Part 1
January 28, 2022
This Story begins in 1671 with the death of Jean Durand at the age of 35. This was apparently late in 1671. Jean and his young bride Catherine had been married perhaps a grand total of nine years before Jean sadly perished of unknown causes. Some sources reference illness as a possibility, but no records exist regarding either his death or burial.
​
However, in that very short set of years, Jean and Catherine acquired land, built a home, had three children and Jean, along with others began a logging business and even managed a river ferry crossing. All this was in spite of the conditions experienced by such early settlers of the Quebec region. Oppressive summers and
Typical Canoe used by the early French-Canadian Voyageurs
harsh winters were always something to be reckoned with, along with continual threats of illness and scurvy in part from inadequate nutrition. Then of course as has been mentioned in earlier stories, they also lived in nearly constant fear of the threat of torture, kidnapping or death from the Iroquois.
​
In my earlier postings, #2 and #6 on the Durand page, I referenced maps of the various properties and land concessions that Jean had control over. The total of all of these plots of land came to more than 700 acres. It is not certain what plans Jean had for all of that land but it is logical to assume that he was going to eventually clear much of it or use it extensively as a source for his logging operation. The segments that happened to be concessions were usually given to individuals by the existing government with conditions for specific tasks to be accomplished on each prior to any kind of grant of ownership. The last of these land acquisitions actually took place in 1671, the year that Jean passed away. From here however, we must begin following the family of Jean and Catherine and their travels that will inevitably end with their arrival in Faribault, MN.
The first of Jean and Catherine’s children was Marie Catherine**. She was born on April 21, 1666 with Catherine her mother then at the age of 17. According to records young Marie Catherine was later baptized on June 4, 1666 in Sillery, which was a village very near to Cap Rouge. She safely grew to adulthood with the fine assistance of the Ursuline nuns. Since she was only 5 and the oldest at the time of Jean’s death, her mother felt it was necessary for her to be brought up much in the same way as she had been in the convent.
**Digressing for just a moment regarding names. It should be understood that a female child’s name, although it nearly always began with the name Marie, was actually followed by another name, or everyday usage name. This is a very old naming tradition begun in France and quite literally carried on for hundreds of years, even to the point of our great grandmother, Marie Emma. The name Marie was considered an “honourific” name, in honor of the Virgin Mary. It always was, and still is considered to be an official part of the name in legal documents.**
Catherine’s decision regarding the raising of Marie Catherine by the Ursulines was also the result of other extenuating circumstances. One very common thing happened to Jean’s wife upon his death. In spite of all of their potential assets and property, our young Huron grandmother was left with almost nothing of consequence that may have been owned by her husband, with the exception of clothing, a few household possessions, perhaps a house/cabin, and whatever funds of Jean’s that might be left following debt payments. Any concessions of land would have either returned to government control or may have been assumed by one of the workers of the land with Jean. Most often, the only recourse for any woman of the time who lost a husband was to find and marry another man as soon as possible or succumb to the ravishes of life with eventually no sustainable means of support. For Catherine, with three very young children, there were few if any options for child care and keeping. By June of 1672, just a few months following Jean’s death, Catherine is married to Jacques Couturier, a 26 year old bachelor from the area. Although the children and Catherine were now apparently a bit more secure than before, one condition of the marriage stated that Jean and Catherine’s children should be “nourished and reared at the expense of their inheritance if there is any left after debts are paid.” Therefore, on August 15, 1672 young Marie Catherine was taken to the Ursuline convent as a border and was placed with the other “savage” children being cared for there.
On July 15, 1682 Marie Catherine, at the age of 16, was released from the nuns tutelage into the world to care for herself. Eventually Marie Catherine married Mathurin Cadau on July 31, 1688 in Montreal. Some time later they moved to Batiscan where Mathurin continued his fur trading as a Voyaguer and together they had six children. Marie Catherine eventually died on November 23, 1708 at the age of 42.
Jean and Catherine’s second child, Ignace, was born in 1668 or 1669. No more accurate date was found. He was also able to grow safely to adulthood more or less in the service of others. It was in 1677, most likely at the age of 8 or 9 when his mother Catherine and his step father, Jacques Couturier leased Ignace for a period of nine years to Louis Le Conte, Sire Dupré. This condition of leasing children to others was probably quite common in this period as parents scraped and clawed for anything they could obtain for income. Unlike his sister Marie Catherine, being cared for and educated by the Ursulines to be turned out into the world with knowledge and a modicum of refinement, Ignace endured a very early life of labor. He was finally able to finish his life of servitude on December 10, 1688 apparently at the age of 17. Eventually he married Catherine Miville on January 26, 1691. There is reference to them having only one child who died as an infant in 1691.
It was Ignace however who may have become the very first fur trader and Voyageur in the family, apparently taking his first arduous venture to a region north of the Ottawa river referred to as the Outaouais. Although it also seems apparent, as records show, that both his younger brother Louis as well as one of his step brothers Charles Couturier began their work as Voyageurs right around the same time. There will be more details on the life of the Voyageurs and the French-Canadian fur trade later. Ignace left on his first voyage in mid-September, 1691 after procuring at least five loans of slightly more than £2,000 to properly outfit him in his new found occupation. All of the loans were in the form or notary promissory notes to be paid back either in cash or in “good and marketable” beaver pelts no later than the end of August, 1692. Sadly, this means of family support was not to last for Ignace. Although he spent at least three more years as a fur trader, he prepared to make another run to the Outaouais in 1697, but he apparently did not go. Instead, he rather left with his wife to visit her family near Quebec. They traveled to Cap-Saint-Ignace at the home of one of Catherine Miville’s cousins. That is where Ignace contracted a fatal illness and died in late November of that year at just 28 years of age. It is not clear what exactly brought Ignace to his death, but there is a good deal of evidence that several diseases such as measles, purpura and even scurvy, were making their way through the settler regions of New France in the late 1680s and 1690s.
The third and final child from the union of Jean and Catherine Durand was our 7G grandfather, Louis, born on November 13, 1670, most likely less than one year before his father’s death. His early years as you can imagine, were filled with family work as his step father Jacques Couturier and mother Catherine struggled to eke out a subsistence living for a growing family. As Louis gained age and strength, he assisted his step father in many ways, including land clearing efforts. The family apparently moved a number of times in Louis’ growing years, living in Cap-Rouge, Quebec, Grondines and finally settling in Batiscan, a village slightly less than 60 miles to the south of Cap-Rouge.
It was in Batiscan, nearing the age of 21 that Louis began to get the wanderlust for travel and adventure. This new focus could very well have been the result of watching and listening to his brother-in-law, Mathurin Cadau who had been in the fur trade since at least 1686. He may have also been influenced by the Voyageur planning of his brother Ignace, but many other circumstances contributed as well. Most every young man raised under back breaking subsistence living might revel in the idea of striking out on his own and making a life for himself. So as a twist of fate would have it, in September of 1691, Louis, like his brother Ignace, managed to become part of a company of young Batiscans who would be traveling to the Outaouais to trade in furs.
The growth, apparent popularity and success of the Voyageurs came about at least in part as a result of the diminishing threat from the Iroquois. This threat reached its height during the late summer of 1689 and culminated in one of the worst attacks on the settlers since their arrival in what is referred to as the massacre of Lachine.
“During the night of August 5, two hundred people perished in the most horrible suffering: some had their heads smashed, some were burned, roasted and eaten, others were flayed alive in unprecedented cruelty. One hundred and twenty other poor victims were kidnapped from different places never to be seen again.” (Stated in a letter written by Governor Frontenac, November 15, 1689)
It seemed that everyone had their opinion about what had to be done to stop this continuing carnage, but there did not seem to be anyone with the will or power enough to be able to take on an all out war against the native tribes responsible. Because of this massive slaughter, every single able bodied man among the settlers was called upon to leave their homes and families and bear arms. That very likely included both Ignace and Louis Durand, allowing them to explore beyond the confines of their settlements while both were still unmarried. The existing governor of the Quebec region was replaced by Count de Frontenac who was able to bolster and prepare the people for what might be to come and end the bloodshed permanently. Things were beginning to get complicated when it had become apparent that the recent slaughter may not have been the work of just the Iroquois, but rather as a result of an alliance between the English, or Bostonians of the day (They don't call that area of the US New England for nothing...) with the indigenous tribes. This became abundantly clear in October of 1690 when a fleet of 36 English ships led by Admiral Phipps, advanced inland toward Quebec on the St. Lawrence River. When the ships arrived to anchor at Quebec, Frontenac as well as the all of the militiamen and troops had arriving from Montreal had already established placements along the river ready to repel any attacks. The leader of the English, Admiral Phipps, called for an immediate surrender. Frontenac however, responded that he would answer “by the mouth of his cannons.” In what might have similarities to troops landing on the beaches of Normandy, the English left their ships and began their attack. The placements of Frontenac’s troops and Militia were able to hold the beach and in so doing, Admiral Phipps lost more than 500 men. Frontenac clearly had the high ground and the advantage. By October 22, 1690, the English could take no more and left Quebec to return to Boston. This defeat was pivotal for the Quebec colony, and eventually the English ended their conflict in 1697. The Iroquois however did not agree entirely with the peace until 1701.
Be that as it may, this turn of events would have contributed significantly to the solid establishment of the fur trade in the still young Quebec region. Louis’ eventual opportunity to join the Batiscan company only occurred because one of the group, Joseph Guillet apparently became ill just before their departure in the fall of 1691. The others in the fur trading group asked Guillet to substitute Louis Durand in his place. The leaders of the group, Claude Rivard and Charles Dizis visited a notary along with Louis to draw up a contract stating in part, “to go up to the Outaouais country with the company to help transport merchandise, to trade for fur and do all that is honestly and lawfully expected of him.” So, Louis begins his life as a Voyageur, taking on the responsibilities of Joseph Guillet and using Guillet’s already prepared resources to trade for furs. Since this was all so very last minute, Louis himself, in this particular trip did not have much of his own to trade, so he was allowed, if he cared, to trade his shirts, coat, gun and blanket in order to gain his own furs. The contract itself stated that upon his return, Guillet “would own his share as if he had taken the trip himself.” But by the same token, Guillet was also obliged to pay Louis the value of £250 in beaver pelts for taking his place. Incidentally, it was this contract where it is discovered that Louis did not know how to read or write since he declared that he did not know how to sign his name.
And thus began the life and adventures of our 7G grandfather Louis Durand. A number of stories have been written and documented about the trials and tribulations of Louis as he establishes a life as well as quite a reputation for himself in the fur trading wilderness. These will be explored in coming postings in the near future as we continue to learn more about the Durand family and their immigration to the United States.
​
​
Typical Appearance of the early French-Canadian Voyageurs
Voyageur fur trading was always perilous in very many ways
Plaque commemorating the Massacre at Lachine. Marker is located in Lachine, QC.
Typical Canoe used by the early French-Canadian Voyageurs
Back to Top
One depiction of the Massacre at Lachine in November of 1689.
8. Early French-Canadian Voyageur Life
August 6, 2022
Source materials for this posting were, among others, Jean Durand and His Posterity, By Joseph & Viateur Durand, 1954; Hudson's Bay Company History Foundation; Voyageurs of the Old Northwest, from Legends of America.com; The Canadian Encyclopedia; and The Voyageurs published by McGill University.
In the last posting regarding the Durand family’s Journey to Faribault, it was mentioned that both Ignace and Louis began their fur trading adventures as what are now known as Voyageurs in 1691. Their sister Marie-Catherine had been married to Mathurin Cadau since July 31, 1688. By that time Mathurin had been doing fur trading since some time in 1686. I can only surmise that it may have been Marie-Catherine’s husband who may have been the inspiration for both Ignace and Louis to become Voyageurs.
Painting depiction of a typical Voyageur hourly "pipe break."
As has been mentioned a number of times, life for the early settlers of the Quebec region of then New France was certainly no picnic by any means. Any normal person, just like you or I would have to be considering that there just has to be a better way of making a living in this new world. Life was an absolute struggle. My guess is that if our ancestors had not had a very strong belief in their God, they would have given up hope after the first few unbearable adversities encountered. At the first sign of an opportunity that promised a living wage without the back breaking labor of clearing land and attempting to farm successfully against all odds, they probably would have jumped at the chance. Certainly, they would have weighed the perils of one living vs. the other and made the best decision they could. That leads us into a short review of exactly what perils did exist associated with the fur trade. So here we go.
The settling of Quebec began in earnest in the 1630s. Eventually, some of the wealthier people of France began to see the value associated with the new world especially with the more consistent supply of exquisite pelts and furs. A rather extensive demand for more furs arose and soon promoted the establishment of new businesses such as the Hudson Bay Company in 1670 and the North West Company founded more than 100 years later in 1779. The former built trading posts along Hudson Bay and further west of Quebec in order to better acquire furs from the indigenous tribes of that area. However, although our ancestors may well have had the opportunity to work with Hudson Bay Company posts, it is fairly certain they at least began their fur trading as what might be considered independent contractors for various merchants. A company partnership would have provided Voyageurs with the trading supplies needed to acquire beaver pelts, but prior to such an arrangement the early Voyageurs such as Ignace and Louis Caron would have had to become indebted to various area businesses for such supplies before their departure. Payment was nearly always promised upon their successful return with their goods.
Life as a Voyageur was grueling to the extreme, and that is putting it mildly. Once supplies were obtained the trading excursions would generally begin in May and last for as much as a year or longer. This of course left any remaining family members with the bulk of the farming work and vulnerable as well to a variety of typical early settler circumstances.
The canoe crews woke at or before dawn every morning to cries of “Lève lève nos gens!” (Stand up, stand up our people.) Then began loading their canoes and launching without any further morning preparation, regardless of weather, unless extreme storms made waterways temporarily unnavigable. Thus began what would typically be at least a 14 hour day of daunting physical effort. They maintained a consistent speed with each man expected to paddle 50 strokes per minute resulting in speed of approximately 6 miles/hour. They would pause and beach the canoes for breakfast, one of only two “full” meals each day, at around 8 am. Breakfast may have consisted of a mixture of corn and wild rice prepared the night before in a cooking process that resulted in a thick white hominy porridge which could have been flavored with bacon fat or bear grease. The next opportunity for food intake would have been at around 2 pm while still rowing. This snack usually consisted of pemmican which was a dried meat (buffalo or caribou) suet of sorts that could last in a Voyageur’s pack for several weeks. This provided a source of dense energy when needed during the day especially when it was estimated that each member of the canoe team burned approximately 5,000 calories/day. Otherwise, the Voyageur crews would stop rowing and take short breaks at about one hour intervals to catch their breath with a short smoke of their pipe. These breaks were taken with such regularity that they began gauging their distance traveled by the frequency of their pauses. Rather than considering distance in terms of kilometers, extended segments of travel would be measured in pipes, with 20 km (12.4 mi.) approximately equal to four pipes.
Obviously, clear waterways never go on forever and the Voyageurs would find themselves frequently having to land the canoes and portage around or over unnavigable spots along the route. This would require each member of the crew to hoist 180 lbs of supplies onto their backs while also overturning and lifting a 300 lb canoe to be carried to the next point of water access. Portages varied in length, but might be as short as 100 yards and as long as 8 miles. Of course, such crossings would never be over even ground and would be treacherous endeavors to say the least.
As you might guess, this kind of a working existence for what might have otherwise been a farmer would take its toll in the form of bone breaks, drownings, hernias and eventually and inevitably twisted spines, rheumatism and arthritis. All of this was experienced along with a good measure of daily hordes of black flies, biting insects and the occasional indigenous resident bent on their destruction. Typically, it would take a canoe laden with supplies six to eight weeks to reach the lucrative points of trading, with the promise of a return trip months later with canoes just as heavily laden with valuable furs.
When Louis returned from his first experience in fur trading it was apparent that the group he had become a part of due to the illness of Joseph Guillet, was not as successful in their efforts as they could have been. Because of this, Guillet, who had promised to pay Louis the amount of £250 in beaver pelts, could not do that and as a result Louis would have to wait for at least another year before receiving what was promised. It was at this time between excursions sometime in 1692 that Louis went to visit his mother, Catherine. Sadly, he found her in fairly dire straits, in spite of still being married to Jacques Couturier and living with their children. Perhaps it was feelings of guilt, but for whatever reason, Louis felt it to be his responsibility to insure for the care of his mother. Unfortunately, he needed to begin preparing for his next fur trading voyage which would again take him away for up to a year. It was hinted above that one of the concerns of some Voyageurs, especially those with families left behind for extended periods of time, was their vulnerability. Not wanting his mother’s circumstances to deteriorate any further, Louis entered into an agreement with a Batiscan merchant by the name of Antoine Trottier. That agreement was to have Trottier look after Catherine by providing her with basic needs during Louis’ upcoming absence. Upon his return from his next voyage, he would reimburse Trottier for those services provided. Unfortunately, beyond the vulnerabilities of family members left behind, there were always those nefarious individuals who would invariably take advantage of such circumstances. Another merchant who Louis had purchased supplies from, François Chorel, apparently was determined to state that it was he who took care of Catherine during the voyage in spite of the fact that no agreement had been documented between him and Louis. Nevertheless, upon Louis return in 1693, it was Chorel who presented Louis with a bill for services and supplies provided to Catherine. His claim was for 466 pounds, 6 sols and 6 deniers, clearly more than Louis had gained for two years of work. Of course, Louis objected with his proof that he had an agreement with Trottier, not Chorel, Regardless, the claim was taken before a clerk of court who agreed with François Chorel. Louis demanded the claim be reconsidered, which put off the final judgement and Louis was able to prepare for his next trading venture. To make a long story short, the claim was finally settled following a considerable amount of legal wrangling, in October of 1695 when Louis was required to make payment of just over 100 pounds. That was the correct amount owed to Chorel for supplies purchased for Louis’ trading voyage. It is honestly difficult to believe that beyond day to day survival conditions in the 1600s, that such people like Chorel existed to make life even more miserable for others.
This was not the only legal fight that our 7G grandfather Louis was to experience, and he was in fact imprisoned for a time because of the ruthless dealings with the Commandant of troops at Michillimakinac, Antoine de Lamonthe-Cadillac. Cadillac was another wayward scoundrel who in spite of his level of apparent corruption, would go on to establish the city of Detroit and eventually become the governor of Louisiana. However, that is a very lengthy story for another time.
In the next posting I will continue with documentation regarding the long journey of the Durand family to Faribault.
Painting depiction of faster moving Voyageurs transporting individuals rather than goods.
Photograph of later Voyageurs in the 1800s.
Painting depiction of a typical Voyageur end of the day stop for evening meal and much needed sleep.
Back to Top
Example of the amount of goods transported in a typical large 300 lb canoe. Lower right also shows how 180 lb packs were carried over portages.
9. Durand Journey to Faribault - Part 2
December 1, 2022
Louis, the oldest of Jean and Catherine Durand’s children continued as an early fur trading Voyageur for just a few years more following on his 1691 and ’92 excursions. The 1690s decade slowly ticked away as Louis grew through most of his 20s and a number of trying life experiences both good and bad. It was in 1698 however, that Louis was to find love and companionship with a first cousin of Catherine Miville, his brother Ignace’s widow. Her name was Elisabeth-Agnes Michel. Louis and Elisabeth were married on September 8, 1698 in Quebec. It is assumed at this point that they took up residence in the Quebec area and Louis continued with his fur trading. They were blessed with their first child, our 6G grandfather, also named Louis, baptized on August 13, 1700 in Quebec.
Notary posting of the marriage of Louis Durand to Elisabeth Agnes Michel on September 8, 1698.
There is evidence that Louis Sr. made one fur trading journey to “the land of the Eskimos” in 1701. That was apparently what the northeast coast of Labrador was referred to at that time. Louis had entered into a business agreement with a merchant by the name of Raymond Martel who supplied his expedition and also agreed to provide for Louis’ family until his return. Interestingly enough, with this trip under his belt and knowing of his issues with Commandant Cadillac in 1696 at Michillimakinac (a story yet untold), it is apparent that Louis traversed in a canoe through the untamed wilderness of New France for a geographical distance of approximately 1,500 miles. These travels of course took place over a 10 to 12 year period during which Louis worked his fur trade.
In October of 1702 Elisabeth and Louis had their second son, Antoine. Unfortunately, Antoine may have died early in life, and was the last of their children to be baptized in Quebec. It was documented that in 1703 Louis’ young family resettled in Saint-Nicolas de Tilly, a community on the south side of the St. Lawrence River from Quebec. Presumably this location is where Louis gave up on his fur trade wandering and began to work as a carpenter and woodworker. Following this move the family once again began growing with the birth of Anne, baptized March 11, 1704. Over the next 13 years, Elisabeth and Louis had seven more children, six of which were consecutive girls. Of course, just like our great grandma Emma, each girl’s first name is always Marie, so I will skip that name as I list the children. Following Anne were Angelique baptized May 1, 1706, then Elisabeth, March 28, 1708. On Christmas day of 1709, their fourth daughter Genevieve was baptized but only lived for a short time, with a burial recorded on January 21, 1710. The parade of girls continued with Charlotte baptized on April 3, 1711, Louise baptized on September 10, 1713 and Madeleine baptized on March 13, 1715. At long last, Elisabeth and Louis finally had another son named Pierre-Joseph baptized on August 24, 1717.
Pierre-Joseph would be the last of their children for Elisabeth died in the spring of 1718 at the age of 36 with her youngest child less than a year old. Louis, left with as many as eight children ranging in age from 18 to infancy, considered it was necessary for himself to have someone who could help to rear such a family. That individual was to be Jeanne Houde who happened to widow from her husband Jean Magnan at nearly the same time as Elisabeth’s death. Louis and Jeanne, who was now beginning her third marriage, were wedded on January 30, 1719. Because of her previous marriages, Jeanne brought along with her seven children of her own, which would immediately increase the size of their family to 15. By April, Louis had petitioned the public defender to become the official guardian to Jeanne’s children, a request that was granted on April 18, 1719. My personal speculation at this point is that it may well be that Louis took this unusual action of responsibility because of how his step father Jacques Courtier essentially ignored Catherine’s three children. However, we will never know that for certain.
Also, around that time an inventory of Elisabeth and Louis’ possessions was necessary as a result of her death and it was documented the family had managed to acquire a net worth of approximately £2,000 which was of course significantly more than when they had started their family some 20 years previous. A considerable number of the inventoried items were woodworking tools which clearly indicated Louis’ new and apparently successful trade.
It wasn’t long before Louis and Jeanne Houde began having their own children with their first daughter Ursule, baptized on January 31, 1720, followed by a second daughter, Jeanne, in April of 1722. Together they eventually had a total of four children including Catherine in March of 1724 and Joseph in January of 1725.
Prior to the birth of their last two children, Louis and Jeanne acted upon some property once sold to Jeanne’s late husband Jean Magnan. Purchase of which was made on November 15, 1722 at a cost of £765. Its size was documented as 20 arpents by 7 arpents, or approximately 118 acres. The property was located back once again on the north side of the St. Lawrence River in a location known as Lanoraie, approximately 70 km (43.5 mi) north of modern day Montreal, and 200 km (124 mi) south of Cap Rouge and the original property of Louis’ father Jean Durand. The initial family migration begins. Louis and Jeanne moved their family to Lanoraie sometime during the 1723-1724 winter. To the great pleasure of Louis and Jeanne, a number of families apparently followed them from Tilly to Lanoraie and made that their home. Then along about 1727, even more families came to the little 118 acre community, growing it enough to take notice of Bishop Saint-Vallier of Quebec who then sent a missionary there known as Abbot Gaillard.
In January of 1725, Louis’ oldest child Louis Jr., now 24 years old, was married to Marie-Anne Demers, the daughter of his step mother Jeanne Houde and her first husband Pierre Demers. So, Louis Jr’s step mother now officially has also become his mother-in-law as well as his step mother. Genealogical documents relating to Marie-Anne Demers and her father Pierre list them actually by the name of Dumay, or Dumais. For now, I have decided in our family that her name will be Marie-Anne Demers-Dumay for aid in anyone else’s family research. Prior to their wedding however, Louis and Marie-Anne had their first child, Marie-Catherine, born on March 12, 1724. She unfortunately lived only a few days and passed on March 26. Louis and Marie-Anne settle in Lanoraie and begin their family with their second child and first son, Louis, born on Christmas of 1725. Over the course of the next 25 years Louis and Anne bring 16 children into the world, the count of which includes Marie-Catherine. Sadly, but not unexpectedly, only seven of those 16 children survive to adulthood, which clearly was one of the obvious reasons why our ancestors had such large families. I document them below not mentioning their birth location since they were all born in Lanoraie. This information can be tedious to read, but I also wanted to give everyone the sense of life spans that were typical in the 18th century.
Following Marie-Catherine came Louis in December of 1725 who lived to reside eventually in Berthierville and passed at the age of 57 in 1783. He was followed by Pierre in 1728 who died two years later in 1730. Jean Baptiste arrived in April of 1730, but passed in August of 1734. Then I found reference to Francois born in 1731 who also died in 1734, but there was no date. Marie-Louise Anne was born in September of 1733 and lived to be married and move eventually to St-Cuthbert, passing when she was 43 years old in 1777. She was followed by a second Jean Baptiste in July of 1735. Reusing names of previously passed children in the same family was quite common back in those times since I have found a good number of references to the same thing. It is also the source of some degree of frustration when doing family research. So the second Jean Baptiste lived to the ripe old age of 62, married and moved to Berthierville where he was buried in 1797. In April of 1737, Marie-Josephe was born and lived to 1777. She was followed by a second Pierre in June of 1738. This Pierre was to be our 5G grandfather being more fortunate than the first and living to marry and have a family. He was buried in St-Cuthbert at the age of 75. Marie-Anne was born in January of 1740, the year that her grandfather Louis passed at age 70, but only lived to April of 1741. The next son to arrive was Joseph born in July of 1741. He was the longest living of all the children, passing in 1824 at the age of 82. He was married in 1765, and moved with his family to Ste-Elisabeth where he was buried. For some reason, the next to arrive in 1743 was also named Joseph with a middle name of Ambroise. He was married, continued to live in Lanoraie and passed at the age of 26 in 1770, just four years after his marriage. Joseph Ambroise was the last of Louis and Marie-Anne’s to live past infancy. The next four children lived no longer than four months. They were, a second Francoise in 1745, Michel in 1746, Marie-Amable in 1748 and finally a last attempt at a Francoise in 1750. Their grandmother Jeanne Houde witnessed the birth of all these children with the exception of Francoise. Jeanne Houde passed away in April of 1749 at the age of 63.
The key thing to understand here is that none of Louis and Marie-Anne Demers-Dumay’s children moved more than 16 miles from their birthplace of Lanoraie. Most likely all were farmers of some fashion, or carpenters and woodworkers since those skills may well have been passed on from their grandfather Louis. Another point of interest is that Louis and Marie-Anne passed away two days from one another, Louis at age 75 on March 1, and Marie-Anne at age 69 on March 3, 1776.
Now, moving on to the next generation we come to our 5G grandfather Pierre Durand. As mentioned above, Pierre was born on June 11, 1738 in Lanoraie. It is documented that he did indeed grow to become a farmer, and eventually married Marie-Louise Janvrin who was born in Montreal to Jean-Baptiste Janvrin and Marie-Anne D’Amours in 1737. They were married on November 26, 1760 in Lavaltrie, a small Parish just south of Lanoraie. Unfortunately, Louise apparently died in childbirth nine months after their marriage in June of 1761 while living in Lanoraie. The child did not survive and was only recorded as “Anonyme” (anonymous) Durand.
Then in January of 1763 Pierre married Marie-Genevieve Robert, daughter of Jean-Baptiste Robert and Genevieve Brabant. Genevieve was born October 24, 1737, in the Parish of Saint-Sulpice, Lanaudiere, 11 miles to the south of Lanoraie. Pierre and Genevieve then began having their family together beginning with Genevieve in January of 1765. She was followed by Pierre in 1766 who died as in infant. The last five of their children all managed to survive to adulthood, married and had families of their own. They were Anne, 1768 to 1813, and Joseph our 4G grandfather, born in April of 1770. He eventually took up farming, married twice and died in 1835. Francois was next in June of 1772, growing and farming as well until 1848. He was followed by Louis in February of 1778 who also married twice but is not listed with any date of death. Finally, Marie-Josephe joined the family in July of 1775. Pierre and Genevieve appeared to raise their family and remain in the area around or near to Lanoraie and nearly all were involved in farming and buried in the Parish of St-Cuthbert, roughly within 18 miles of their birthplace.
We will leave the Durand lineage here for now and begin the next posting with Joseph (1770-1835) and his wives, Louise Sarrazin and Elizabeth Vadnais. Hopefully that posting will take us finally to the family immigration to the Faribault, MN area.
​
Besides the marriage document shown above, below you will see some of the other kinds of documents that I have had to work with to find all of the information in these postings.
Map of Lanoraie property purchased and settled by Louis and Jeanne Houde in 1723/24. It is just 43 mi. north of modern day Montreal along the St. Lawrence.
The French version of the Notary posting of the marriage of Louis Durand to Elisabeth Agnes Michel on September 8, 1698.
Example of source information used often to discover dates and establish family information on this website.
Another source site that includes more children and death dates to also help to fill in blanks in the family information.
Excerpt from Find-A-Grave regarding the location of Pierre's burial site.
Documentation of both marriages of Pierre Durand along with locations.
10. Durand Journey to Faribault - Part 3
January 14, 2023
Jean-Baptiste Durand and his wife Esther Marteau, married in 1829
The final phase of the Durand family journey begins three generations yet from our immigrant grandfather Joseph Leandre Durand. So, we return to the year 1770 when his grandfather and perhaps namesake Joseph was born in the Ste-Geneviève-de-Berthier area just 13 miles north of Lanoraie where a number of Durand families had settled back in the 1720s. There young Joseph grew up to become a farmer and found love when he married his first wife Marie-Elizabeth Vadnais in 1793. Together Elizabeth and Joseph had six children, Joseph Ambroise (1794-1879) 85 years; *François (1795-1843) 48 years; Elizabeth (1797-1881) 84 years; Lucie (1801-1887) 86 years; Magdeleine (1802-1892) 89 years, and finally Louis, born on May 13, 1804. Sadly, his mother passed on May 14, 1804, presumably as a result of childbirth, followed shortly thereafter by baby Louis on
July 7, 1804. The oldest of the five remaining children was then only 10 years old.
​
Although it has been well documented that family support had for decades been a natural and normal practice among the French-Canadian settlers, it has always been far more practical and beneficial for individual families to have both parents. This of course was to effectively manage the toils of both family sustainment as well as child protection and rearing. To that end, Joseph eventually began considering available women to take the place of his late Elizabeth. Approximately a year and a half later Joseph married his second wife, Louise Sarrazin from St-Cuthbert. About 12 years younger in age to Joseph, she was also born to French settlers, François Sarrazin and Marie-Françoise Sylvestre residing within the general vicinity of Ste- Geneviève. They were married on October 5, 1805 in St-Cuthbert and over the next 20 years brought 15 children into the world in addition to the five already being cared for by Joseph. Unfortunately, their first child Louise only lived for a few months following her birth in 1806. Of the next 14 children, eight survived to adulthood. Their family and full ages are documented as follows: Etienne, (1807-1890) 83 years; *Jean-Baptiste our 3G grandfather, (1809-1876) 67 years; Vital, (1810-1897) 87 years; Genevieve, (1811-1887) 76 years; Louise,(1812-1814) 1.5 years; Oliver, (1813-1819) 3 years; Sophie (1814-1848) 33 years; Marguerite, (1816-1816) 5 mo.; Pierre, (1817) infant; **Gilbert, (1818-1899), 80 years; Michel, (1820-1875), 54 years; Felix, (1821-1873) 51 years; Louise (1823) 1 wk; and Claire (1825) 2 wks. (*Bold print individuals had children who immigrated to the US in the late 1800s)
**Special note regarding Gilbert** In the research efforts on the Durand family it came to my attention that it was Gilbert, who may well have been the very first of all the Durands to immigrate to the United States. Gilbert was born in October of 1818 in St-Cuthbert, and is buried in Elgin, Illinois. According to the 1860 Illinois State Census, Gilbert and his wife Leonora are shown along with their five children at the time, the last two of which were born in Illinois. Louis is age 7, therefore born in 1853, and his brother David is age 4, born in 1856. Their next oldest sibling is listed as “Arsie” who 9 years earlier had been born in Canada presumably in 1851. It can be inferred from this information that Gilbert and his family immigrated to the US between 1851 and 1853 and most likely crossed the border sometime in 1852. There would be at least 26 more years before our 2G grandfather made the trek which will be explained in the coming paragraphs.
Joseph and his wife Louise Sarrazin as well as their children, with the exception of Gilbert, remained in and around the area of their birth for the remainder of their lives. Joseph passed in 1835 followed by Louise in 1852. Both are buried in St-Cuthbert.
Their son and our 3G grandfather Jean-Baptiste grew as most of the Durands do, to become a “Cultivateur” or farmer on land in the region surrounded by Lanoraie, Berthier, St-Cuthbert and St-Ambroise, all of which fall within a 10 to 15 mile radius of each other. At the age of 20, Jean-Baptiste felt it was time to take a wife, and married the lovely 27 year old Esther Marteau (both pictured above) who was apparently a petite lady “who sang constantly.” The wedding date was August 25, 1829 and took place in St-Cuthbert. By April of 1831 they had their first born, Jean-Baptiste jr. There is no record of his death date to be found, but it was documented along the way that he did survive childhood and eventually married. He was followed by the remaining 11 children, five of which did not survive, by the following: Nazaire, (1834-1924) 89 years; our 2G grandfather and father of our dear great grandmother Emma, Joseph Leandre (1835-1915) 80 years; Elizabeth (1836) 2 wks; Philomene (1837-1907) 69 years; Delphine (1838-1907) 68 years; Euphemie (1840-1919) 79 years; Gilbert (1841) infant; Eugenie (1842-1931) 88 years; Victor Napoleon (1843-1845) 2 years; Joseph Isaie (1844) infant; and Jeanne (1846) infant.
A number of these children sprinkled out and away from family traditions and began the migration of the Durand family to the United States in earnest. These children came out of two families the names of which are listed in bold in the previous paragraphs. François (1795-1843) was the son of Joseph Durand and Elizabeth Vadnais while Jean-Baptiste (1809-1876) was his half-brother and the son of Joseph Durand and Louise Sarrazin.
The first of the children of these two families to venture off into the great American unknown begins with Jean-Baptiste’s second child, Nazarie (1834-1924) along with his wife Leocadie Bernache in 1869. Since Nazarie’s uncle Gilbert and aunt Leonora had been living in the United States in Illinois for about 17 years already, it’s likely that they communicated with each other thereby paving the way for future Durand immigrations. The United States had established The Homestead Act of 1862 which encouraged such immigrations allowing settlers to claim land for free as long as they lived on it for five years and made conditional improvements. The Homestead Act was in effect from 1862 to as late as 1934 for the contiguous states and then only for Alaska up to 1976 apparently. Nazarie and Leocadie chose to settle in the Rice County Minnesota area perhaps with a foreknowledge of the apparently rich farmland that existed there.
Nazarie and Leocadie, most certainly in communication with the rest of the family were followed to the Rice County Minnesota area first by Eugenie (1842-1931) and her husband Edward Champagne in 1877. Then a number of François’ children began their own sojourns, perhaps excited with the success of cousin Nazarie, beginning with Pierre (1832-1898), along with his wife Marie Boucher in 1878, Felix (1837-1915), with his wife Leocadie Thibodeau in 1879, and Olivia (1845-1903) with her husband Dieudonne Thibodeau in 1882. Since they are not a part of our direct ancestry line, they are not mentioned in the previous paragraphs.
Finally, it is generally accepted that our 2G grandfather and Jean-Baptiste’s third child Joseph Leandre, immigrated to the same area with his wife Celanise Nevieux in 1889. However, that year of entry I found is actually in question based on a number of sources. Joseph Leandre’s obituary states, “At the age of 45 he moved to a farm in Canon City,” which would point to the immigration year of 1880. The 1900 Federal Census states that the immigration year was 1889, and finally the 1910 Federal Census documents the year to be 1878. Since I secondarily referred to the Caron family in the 1900 Federal Census it shows our now married 1G grandmother Emma (Durand) Caron actually arrived in the US in the year 1878. So, I will have to conclude with some certainty that the family of Joseph Leandre arrived just after Eugenie and Edward Champagne in 1878, perhaps even along with cousin Pierre and his wife Marie Boucher.
They of course traveled the more than 1,200 miles along with their children at the ages shown below, who consisted of: Delima Rose (1857-1911) age 21; Josephine (1859-1949) age 19; Ludger “Eugene” (1860-1929) age 18; Olivine (1862-1879) age 16; Eugenie (1864-1951) age 14; Cyrille (1866-1934) age 12; Celina (1868-1953) age 10; Azarie (1871-1952) age 7; Emma (1872-1961) age 6; and Medrick (1875-1949) at age 3. Their oldest, Cordelia did not travel with them. She was married to Merrill (Dauphinais) Duffina on February 28,1876 in St-Gabriel-de-Brandon. It may be possible they traveled along with Joseph and Celanise, but for certain they did indeed settle in the same location as them in the Cannon City area.
Imagine for just a moment traveling more than 1,200 miles in 1878, well before the invention of the internal combustion engine, along with a family of 10 children ranging in age from 21 to 3. I am quite certain that a movie or perhaps a popular streaming series could be made of that little experience. So just exactly how did they do that and what on earth could ever have been so convincing for them to leave their farm and seriously commit to such a suspiciously harrowing endeavor?
Clearly overland travel in 1878 consisted of just three modes of long distance transportation. They would have been ox carts or wagons, steamboats and the newly expanding railroad. Documented ox cart travel of the day would have had an estimated travel time of just under three months. The geographical terrain between the Durand home lands in Quebec area of Canada to Minnesota would have had access to waterways from the St. Lawrence River to the first of the great lakes entering Lake Ontario just over 200 miles away. Assuming that the great lakes were entirely navigable through a series of locks and dredged channels, it may have been theoretically possible to have traveled by steamboat to the Grand Marais area followed by completion of the trip via railroad. But a review of the great lakes navigability in the 1870s suggests this would not have been plausible until after 1910. The final and most likely alternative would have been travel by railroad.
After doing a review of the territorial era in Minnesota, spanning generally from 1849 to 1859, I discovered some rather interesting information. Excerpts for the following were taken from a variety of sources including “Official Encouragement of Immigration to Minnesota During the Territorial Period” By Liva Appel and Theodore C. Blegen; Pamphlet: “Minnesota and Its Advantages to Settlers” Archives Great Northern Railroad; “Land Department of the Northern Pacific Railroad Company” By George B. Hibbard; and a variety of Governor’s Archives from 1866 and 1871, Minnesota Historical Society.
Minnesota first became a territory in 1849 and of course being eager to populate this new area the organizers launched an effort to encourage immigration and settlement. However, they found that any number of new territories throughout the new American experiment were heavily competing for the same prospective settlers. By 1858 the new state government was becoming established and they continued in their efforts to recruit settlers based on the original encouragement policies in place. It wasn’t until after 1862 however, when the first railroad lines were being laid down in the state that Minnesota became more assertive in their settlement efforts and essentially lobbied the railroad companies to become more involved as well. But, “It was not until the late sixties, however, that the state and the railroads began to function cooperatively.” It had become apparent to the companies that “hazardous railway ventures could meet with success only as a result of the early and steady infiltration of people from Europe and eastern North America.” It was then the Northern Pacific Railroad Company in 1866 who finally “contemplated the establishment of a Bureau of Emigration for the purpose of settlement of the lands of the Company.” Minnesota Governor William R. Marshall then sent a letter to the Northern Pacific officially recognizing their agent of the Bureau of Emigration “with the view of inducing emigrants to settle upon the lands of the company in this State.” Then Governor Marshall “appointed William S. Rowland of the Northern Pacific as Special Commissioner of the State of Minnesota to the Paris Universal Exposition of 1867.” Serious cooperation between the State and the railroad had thus begun. As a result, “arrangements were made with various steamship companies to grant special favors to settlers bound for Northern Pacific lands, and in the ports of entry of the United States and Canada special agents were appointed to aid the new arrivals.”
Because of these efforts, the railroad companies had launched an aggressive advertising campaign. “...by means of pamphlets, newspaper advertising, lectures, bureaus of information, and exhibits the railroad companies, like the state government, attempted to spread information about life in Minnesota.” “...some of these publications merely contained statements of the advantages of Minnesota for agricultural and industrial development, telling of its natural resources, potential water power, fertile soils, and wealth of forests.” “Always there was included a glowing account of Minnesota’s healthful climate and promise of future prosperity.” Being peppered with such paraphernalia, would have certainly encouraged lifelong Canadian farmers to at least begin discussions with their families about the prospect of pulling up roots and moving.
Interestingly, another rather encouraging enticement was for the railroad to allow purchase of a single ticket for a potential land customer to come to Minnesota to actually view the property they might be interested in rather than purchasing it sight unseen. These were referred to as “land-exploration tickets.” Any individual “who took such tickets and within sixty days thereafter purchased a minimum of forty acres of land from the company should be credited with the amount of the fare on their purchase, and should be entitled to free tickets for themselves and their families when going to settle upon the lands purchased.” This would most certainly be a distinct and very enticing offer to large families faced with the expensive prospect of relocating by traveling over great distances.
None of this however is to necessarily suggest which mode of travel our Durand ancestors actually did take with their sometimes large families to arrive in Minnesota, but rather to relay the kinds of things they themselves had to consider and discuss in their decision making process.
All of the Durand families mentioned above who immigrated from the late 1860s to the early 1880s all initially settled close to one another on agricultural land near and between Cannon City and Faribault.
There are a number of other tales to be told about the Durands in the new land, but they will be saved for future postings.
This shows the ox cart or wagon means of travel in the 1860s.
Closeup view of the 1860 Census showing that Gilbert's sons Louis and David being born in Illinois 7 and 4 years prior to this record suggesting an immigration year of approximately 1852.
Back to Top
A French newspaper in 1915 published the obituary of Joseph Leandre Durand, also stating that he had arrived in Minnesota to begin farming when he was 45 in 1880.
This is a typical railroad engine from the 1860s which could have transported many immigrants from Canada to Minnesota.
Joseph Leandre Durand relaxing in his rocking chair in Faribault - Circa 1910
Portrait of the Nazarie and Leocadie Durand family circa 1880.
Beautiful portrait of Pierre Durand and his wife Marie Bucher who arrived in the United States in 1878.
11. Tragedy of Cordelia (Durand) Duffina - 1909
February 1, 2023
1888 rendition of Faribault approximating the 1909 locations of Napoleon Caron's home and the site of Cordelia Duffina's fatal accident.
Cordelia Durand (1855-1909) was the first born child of Joseph Leandre Durand and his wife Celanise Nevieux. She was also the sister of our great grandmother Emma Durand.
Cordelia was married to Merrill Duffina on February 28, 1876 in St-Gabriel-de-Brandon, Quebec, Canada and according to the 1920 US Federal Census, immigrated together to the Faribault, MN area sometime in 1877, along with their first daughter Amy who was also born in 1877. They moved onto tillable property approximately three miles east of Faribault in the Cannon City area of Rice County.
​
Together, Merrill and Cordelia had nine children beginning once again with Amy in 1877, followed by Mary in 1878. At this point it must be stated that neither Amy
nor Mary survived their childhood. Although there are no records that I can find regarding Amy’s death, Mary died in November of 1880, and neither is mentioned in the 1895 Minnesota Territorial Census. Nevertheless, the family continued to grow with the birth of Melinda (Minnie) in 1880, Emma in 1881, Joseph in 1883, Alex in 1884, Derrick in 1885 and finally they welcomed another Mary in 1890. This Mary would become an unfortunate part of this story in 19 years.
​
Following the death of their first Mary in 1880, Merrill and Cordelia’s oldest child in Minnesota, Minnie, grew to womanhood on the farm near Cannon City. It could well have been that she was attracted to the family of Alfred Caron as a result of his marriage to Emma Durand in 1894. That relationship could have sparked Minnie’s interest in Alfred’s younger brother Napoleon. Some six years later Minnie and Napoleon Caron were married on February 12, 1900, most likely in the Cannon City area since records only seem to indicate they were married in Rice County. Together they eventually had six children. At the time of this story however, they had Oliver, age 7, Ernest, age 5 and Lewis, age 1. This is mentioned here because Oliver and Ernest become a part of the events to unfold on June 29, 1909.
It was Tuesday, June 29, 1909, a lovely summer day with a high temperature of 87°F. At some point in the morning, Cordelia and her daughter Mary, the youngest of the Duffina children, had decided to travel into Faribault, so they harnessed a pair of colts to their carriage and headed off into town. The three mile trip would have taken them about 20 minutes to get where they may have been going. Back in 1909 the kinds of things that might prompt someone to bother with the trouble of hitching up a team to go into town were somewhat limited. They were either going for supplies, for an obligation such as attending church or they were going to visit relatives. The thing we know for certain was that on their return home they also had two of Cordelia’s grandchildren in the carriage with them. From this it can be surmised that they stopped to visit with Cordelia’s oldest daughter Melinda, or Minnie as everyone called her. An account of this day referred to the children as “two sons of Napoleon Caron, Oliver and Ernest.” Minnie and Napoleon Caron lived just a couple of blocks on the west side of the Straight River on what was called 3rd Avenue East.
At sometime just before 3:00 pm Cordelia, Mary and the two boys said their goodbyes and hopped up into the carriage for the ride back out of town. At the ages of just 7 and 5, Oliver and Ernest were probably pretty excited with the prospect of spending a few days with grandma Duffina on the farm. They all could have been involved in conversation, or just enjoying the birds singing and the warm breeze as the pair of colts pulling the carriage thudded and clopped down the unpaved streets of the day. As they turned onto Division street they could most likely see the Straight River just a short distance ahead. It is not certain if they were yet aware of the Rock Island passenger train approaching the Division street crossing from the south since it would still be some distance down the track. Nevertheless, as their carriage advanced closer to the railroad crossing, they would surely be aware of its approach on their right. As they neared the tracks, they were apparently waved off by railroad flagman Stronske, while at the same time, according to reports, “the train whistled, the electric gong sounded,” and in spite of being warned to halt, the colts bolted forward to race across the tracks in front of the speeding passenger train.
On June 30, 1909 the Faribault Journal reported, “The train struck the carriage cutting the team lose and hurling the carriage and its occupants with terrible force against the fence on the approach to the bridge and over the steep embankment of the east side of the track.” In point of fact, the horses managed to clear the front of the train while the full brunt of the collision was into the carriage, destroying it and throwing the family into the air toward the fence at the Division street bridge. Cordelia was apparently thrown over the fence and 30 feet down the embankment to the river and “was killed almost instantly.” Mary suffered from similar circumstances but in spite of her injuries she was found unconscious but alive “and taken at once to St. Lucas Hospital where every possible medical assistance was given, but to no avail.” Mary succumbed to her injuries and passed away at St. Lucas. The miracle of the day was that although Oliver and Ernest were also thrown from the carriage they “suffered from fright more than injuries and only slight bruises and scratches resulted.” Cordelia was 53 years old and Mary was 19.
Various aspects of this story were reported on three different dates in the Faribault Journal. Once regarding the accident on June 30, 1909, then regarding the funeral on July 7, 1909 and finally on the report of the settlement with the railroad company on August 11, 1909. It also reached as far as the Minneapolis Tribune on June 30, 1909 and the Willmar Tribune on July 7, 1909. Interestingly enough, but not unexpectedly, the stories reported some of the facts quite differently.
The Faribault Journal stated that after “Flagman Stronske”…”warned the approaching carriage of the train and ordered them to stop,” the article went on to state, “Thinking to cross the road before the train reached the crossing they whipped up the team, which was a pair of colts and attempted to get over ahead of the train.” This would clearly put the carriage driver at fault from the description, whereas the Minneapolis Tribune reported the same incident as, “The horses became frightened and without an opportunity to turn around they plunged forward, the train crashing into the buggy and throwing Mrs. Duffina some 30 feet down a high embankment and killing her instantly.”
The actual true details of the accident itself may never be known unless at one point or another in their lives either Oliver or Ernest, who were ages 7 and 5 at the time, had in some way documented the accident from their perspective. Such information has not yet been turned up. However, the final story printed in the Faribault journal regarding the settlement might indicate that fault, if there truly was any, had rested with the railroad.
That article, printed on August 11, 1909 read as follows: “DUFFINA CASE SETTLED – A week ago Saturday the Duffina case was settled when E. H. Earhart of Des Moines, Iowa, claim agent of the Rock Island, L. P. Gibson, district claim agent and A. D. Keyes, local attorney, met with Merril (sic) Duffina and other relatives of Mrs. Cornelia (sic) and Miss Mary Duffina, who were killed a short time ago by the cars, and a settlement was determined upon. The road pays all funeral and hospital expenses and a cash payment of $1,200.” For the sake of comparison, $1,200 in 1909 would have the equivalent value today of $39,144.00. That would likely have been more money than Merrill Duffina had ever seen in his lifetime.
This tragic accident sadly left Merrill at the age of 61 living on the farm to the best of my knowledge with just his sons James and Derrick left to help now. However, just a few years later, James was married to Amanda Oppegard in May of 1916 and then moved to St. Paul where another brother, Alex already lived with his wife Newemy. Then, just one year after that in April of 1917, Derrick passed away suddenly at home only one day after his 29th birthday. The death certificate simply listed “Apoplexy” as the cause. Apoplexy was a centuries old term used when the more specific cause of death could not be determined. So it was an umbrella death cause for any sudden death that began with a loss of consciousness. Derrick’s obituary published in the Faribault Journal stated, “…death resulting from apoplexy and paralysis.” There is no mention of Derrick having ever been married.
Now in just the span of eight short years from tragedy to tragedy, Merrill was left entirely alone on the farm at the age of 69. Records of what happened to the property after that are not readily available, but it was found in the 1920 U.S. Federal Census that Merrill had apparently left the farm behind and moved in with his daughter and son-in-law, Minnie and Napoleon Caron in Faribault where he spent the rest of his days until June of 1921. His obituary published in the Faribault Journal simply stated that he died "after a two weeks' illness from heart trouble."
​
​
Also excerpts from the 1902 family photo are James (left) and Derrick (right) Duffina, the children left to help Merrill on the farm after Cordelia's death. Derrick was also to pass away at the age of just 29.
Excerpt from a large 1902 family reunion photo showing the families involved in the 1909 train tragedy. This actually typifies the closeness of Cordelia and her oldest surviving child Minnie as they stand next to each other in such a large gathering. Young Oliver just born in this photo would survive the train accident at the age of 7.
Two examples of 1900 Steam locomotive involved in the 1909 Faribault accident.
Photograph of the type and style of a two horse buggy that would have been used by Cordelia to make her trips to town.
View looking north on Main (Central) street taken in 1909.
View of 3rd street looking east from Central avenue or Main street taken in 1909. This was very near to where Napoleon and his family lived on 3rd avenue east at this time.
Funeral Notice for Cordelia and her daughter Mary printed in the Faribault Journal.
Stories written about the accident dated June 30, 1909 appearing in the Faribault Journal (left) and the Minneapolis Tribune (right.)
Cordelia and Mary's case settlement from the Rock Island line dated August 11, 1909 and printed in the Faribault Journal.
Obituary for Derrick Duffina posted in the Faribault Journal on May 2, 1917.
Striking Photograph of the actual carriage accident in Faribault, 1909.
Back to Top
Back to Top
Derrick Duffina State of Minnesota death certificate.